THE recent Qatar diplomatic crisis that saw nine countries led by Saudi Arabia breaking their ties with the world’s wealthiest nation (based on GDP at purchasing power parity per capita) has resulted in a heated debate in Singapore about how small states should act in an increasingly multipolar, if not sectarian, world.

In short, the point of contention is whether a ‘small’ state should punch above its weight; with one side arguing that principles matter (though that does not necessarily mean the state should make intrusive maneuvers), and the other saying one should be mindful of one’s relative strength and stay out of the way when ‘elephants fight’.

No doubt, there is also the core question of whether comparing Singapore to Qatar is apt, to begin with. But anyway, let’s bring the question to Malaysia.

Malaysia in the middle

Is Malaysia a small state to begin with? It depends on what metrics you look at.

By land area, it is ranked no. 66, surpassing even the United Kingdom which nobody would see as a ‘small’ state. By population, it is placed no. 41 with a 32 million population, although still some way from the disputed 70 million target set by Mahathir in order for the country to be a self-sustaining market.

In terms of GDP per capita, we are ranked at 46 (with a GDP per capita value of USD 27,267), middle-income (trapped) by all means.

While Malaysia is not really small by the aforementioned standards, one has to bear in mind considerations of size is always relative. Singapore and Qatar felt small because they felt encircled by larger nations in their vicinity.

At one time, Malaysia was also considered a junior by our neighbours, as seen in President Sukarno’s hostility towards us during the Konfrontasi period, as well as the Philippine government’s initial objection to Malaysia’s formation due to their claim on North Borneo.

Nevertheless, even with some lingering discomfort now and then (as seen in the accusations of cultural appropriation by the Indonesians, if not the soft but unrelenting claim over Sabah by the Philippines), most of these disputes are now water under the bridge.

Malaysia’s position in the region is commonly well-regarded, not only for its status as the founding member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) but also relative economic success.

Yet, there is also the question of how we comport ourselves in front of the ‘elephants’?

While we always claim to be non-aligned, the truth is, Malaysia is rather well-aligned with the two major superpowers in the world.

Our trade and defence relations with the United States are firm despite all the anti-Western rhetoric in the country. China’s massive investment in the country (from Malaysia’s perspective but not really from that of an economic behemoth) points to the Najib’s administration pivot to the red dragon flexing its muscle in the region and beyond.

Why do we feel small at times?

The perceived ‘smallness’ of Malaysia, if any, lies not in its marginal position in international politics. From the now defunct Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) to the China-led Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), Malaysia stood out constantly for its inclusion in global alliances.

Rather, it came from Malaysia’s conduct of diplomacy that revels so much in ‘moderate’ (and often, non-committal) positioning that it even started the Global Movement of Moderates Foundation (GMMF).

Even if our balanced poise is tipped sometimes, Malaysia is careful never to jeopardise its ties with other countries.

For example, while criticised for siding too much with the Saudis in the Saudi-Iran proxy conflict, trade relations with Iran go on, as seen in the signature of a corporation deal that would triple the trade. An Iran-Malaysian exhibition was just held in Tehran a few months ago.

Oddly, it is when Malaysia was forced to step up into a forceful position in global politics that it appears to be the weakest. The most recent example is the standoff with North Korea that resulted in nine Malaysian diplomatic officers being taken hostage in Pyongyang, eventually forcing a concession that allowed two North Korean murder suspects as well as the body of Kim-Jong Nam to be returned to the hermit kingdom. 

The Lahad Datu incursion in 2013 also saw the government accused of being “too lenient” to the militants when they first landed on Malaysian shores, a matter ought to be not taken lightly by sovereign nations, what more when the interlopers were armed.

This is not to say Malaysia has been playing an inconsequential role in global politics. Its involvement as an “honest broker” in Muslim-led insurgencies in Southern Thailand and Mindanao, while distrusted by the host nations at times, is given much credit.

Worldliness before ‘size’

Considering it’s almost trite to say one should make more friends but not enemies, Malaysia’s perceived ‘smallness’ seem to have served this purpose well. Not being seen as a threat largely affords it some nimbleness to move around the trampling feet of the galloping, often larger nations.

Also, for a nation that is besmirched in divisive national politics (and a scandal in toil), any energy or interest to project outwards, if there’s any, would have been exhausted by now, further adding to our image of innocuity.

Granted, walling ourselves off is absurd, but being included in the great game also means subjecting ourselves to many countervailing economic, political, technological and even ideological forces.

Without Malaysians having a greater sense of worldliness (meaning knowing the world and our place in it), there’s always the risk of mistaking weakness as nimbleness, or elite interest as national interest.

After all, by virtue of our advantages in geography, demography, and geopolitical stability, Malaysia as a nation certainly can aspire to more other than bound uncreatively by a masculine, food-chained logic of ‘big’ and ‘small’ posturing. – August 2, 2017.

* A Forensic Science-Asian Studies hybrid, Nicholas Chan is interested in how authority is shaped, exercised, and more importantly, resisted in Southeast Asia.

* This is the opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insight. Article may be edited for brevity and clarity.