UMNO’S full candidate list isn’t even out yet, while in at least one division, Arau, all posters have been taken down and the campaign has come to a standstill. 

The Umno-BN infighting is quite public and, despite warm posturing and glossing over, even mainstream newspapers are reporting openly on the party dropping those close to caretaker Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob.

This is despite the constant reassurance of continuity and the promotion of Ismail as the prime minister, should BN be successful in forming the government.

Umno is a party of warlords and loyalty is maintained by a complex system of patronage, identity politics and even clan allegiances. 

Then there is the question of allies. PAS-Umno relations have been quite icy, made colder with Umno nominating the PAS incumbent MP for Kuala Nerus.

Still, the two parties won’t be able to attack each other too harshly, as it goes against the “Muslim unity” narrative used to remove Pakatan Harapan from office, and to hold on power together for more than 30 months. 

It seems rather hypocritical of the two largest Muslim majority parties to go head on again.

Worse, both their alliances’ support base is overwhelmingly Malay-Muslim, making both of them diametrically opposed to each other, and neither is a direct opponent of multiracial coalition PH, or parties like Warisan or PBM.

Over in the Perikatan Nasional camp, the challenge is less pronounced, but perhaps bigger.

At 169 touted candidates, visibility would prove to be an issue. Other than a few Bersatu leaders and PAS familiar faces, voters would likely find it difficult to identify fresh new faces, mostly sourced from second and third tier former PH grassroots, who lack exposure compared to their senior counterparts from BN and PH.

Even in seats held by Bersatu, the campaign infrastructure belonged to either PKR or DAP, and shifting gears to depend largely on PAS would take some adaptation. 

This greenhorn problem is shared with Warisan, which has the additional problem of being virtually untested on the peninsula.

Apart from BN and PH, the other parties have not worked together as a unit yet, and they will take time to build their network within a constituency: the support groups, resident associations, various cultural and community associations and religious groups. 

These networks form the lifeblood of the community and are crucial to get a feel on the pulse of a particular represented area. 

It is these same networks that influence or even form thought leadership in an area, via coffee shop talks, church and temple gossip, family chats and so on.

Though it does not feel so, PH is actually in the strongest position between contesting parties in terms of readiness, maturity of candidates and in many cases, local networks, even in seats not held by them.

The bond – between PKR, DAP and remnant PAS members in the form of Amanah – is 15 years old, the oldest, save for BN’s Umno-MIC-MCA partnership.

PH will need to overcome its own infighting, and seemingly inconsistent stance in dropping and moving candidates, the decision to forego many of its “civil society” candidates, and its co-operation with fringe parties like Gerak Independen and PSM.

PH’s inclusion of Muda will reignite the youth theme, with more than 1.4 million new young voters, and will undoubtedly form the central theme of the upcoming votes in a little more than two weeks’ time.

What’s certain, for all parties contesting, the old narratives will not work as well, and to move beyond the political lethargy and apathy, would need fresh ideas, a believable new story but utilising familiar faces and trusted ways to convey it. – November 2, 2022.

* Emmanuel Joseph firmly believes that Klang is the best place on Earth, and that motivated people can do far more good than any leader with motive.

* This is the opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insight. Article may be edited for brevity and clarity.