THERE is nothing undemocratic nor undignified about calling for the resignation of the leader of a political party after he has performed woefully in an election.

This is, after all, the standard by which every established democracy has stood by. Defeated politicians must pave the way for successors to have a shot at winning.

Therefore, it is only natural to question – not for the first time – the general fitness of Anwar Ibrahim to hold the position of Pakatan Harapan (PH) chairman after its dismal showing in the Malacca snap elections.

PH did not just suffer a setback but a mauling in the Malacca polls, where it was even outperformed by the relatively new Perikatan Nasional (PN).

Surprisingly, PN emerged as the second favourite of voters in key Malay battleground seats while support for PH dwindled to 15-20%. Its 35% share of the vote does not mask the fact that the support is generally concentrated among urban non-Malay voters which and translated into a paltry five out of 28 seats.

This compares to the 15 seats PH won in 2018. BN, meanwhile, won a sweeping two-thirds majority.

Some in PH may be regretting their failed coup in Malacca, which was why elections were called in the first place.

They are also now exposed to the reality that PH, with its current line-up, is desperately short and incapable of convincing voters of anything other than that not being BN or PN.

The lack of coherent strategy and unity since the Sheraton Move and the repetitive mantra of “not being BN or PH” or “retaking the mandate” have surely run their course.

As the chairman of PH whose authority has been unchallenged since the ousting of adversaries Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Mohamed Azmin Ali, Anwar did not lead PH closer to power but rather numerous political mishaps, such as unsuccessful and widely ridiculed countercoup that has set back the coalition.

In Malacca, Anwar is certainly to be blamed for accepting Idris Haron into the fold and the election results show the move to be a complete and utter failure.

Regardless of the morality of accepting party-hopping frogs, dissidents in DAP would have been more likely to keep quiet if Idris Haron and Noor Azman had been able to deliver the seats.

Yet they lost in their own respective seats in the most humiliating fashion and their inclusion insisted by Anwar himself has also damaged the little goodwill and patience that voters had for PH.

The decision by Anwar to deselect the former Machap Jaya ADUN Ginie Lim from contesting was also a political present wrapped in red ribbons to the now resurgent MCA.

There is a possibility that Ginie Lim might still be defeated if she was picked, but the results show that MCA did flip the seat of Machap Jaya.

Surely Anwar and PKR have to be held responsible for boldly deselecting the experienced Ginie Lim who has been contesting the seat for three elections only to give it to a newcomer and losing it to MCA.

Furthermore, the deselection, which was most likely due to factional battles, were not given any official explanation and thus speaks to the fact that even all is not well within PKR after Azmin had left.

Those two political mistakes would have surely put serious doubts into the credibility of any political leaders and yet accountability did not seem to apply to Anwar even though he has called for it throughout the years from the Abdullah Badawi, Najib Razak, Muhyiddin Yasin, and now the Ismail Sabri Yaakob government.

However, opposition political accountability does not exist so long as Anwar and PH overall believe that he remains the only prime ministerial candidate for PH.

Anwar has since said that he took responsibility of the debacle in Malacca but taking responsibility means there must be consequences for your actions. Anwar will continue to happily lead PH to round after round of disastrous electoral defeats while occasionally proclaiming to the world that he has th majority to form the government.

Why BN is still largely the most popular coalition despite the political baggage of Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and Najib Razak is not rocket science. It is also something PH should learn quick if it wishes to ensure there is still a three-way contest instead of two in the next general election given that PN still remains largely relevant.

There is a self-correcting mechanism that exists within Umno, whose members are not afraid to discard their leaders when their political fortune goes south.

The sudden resignation of Dr Mahathir in 2002, the disgraced exit of Abdullah Ahmad Badawi in 2009, and finally the stepping down of Najib in 2018, are all part of the mechanism that was activated by the Umno collective because of the fear of losing political dominance.

Loyalty counts for very little in the art of political survival, but it is precisely such ruthlessness that has extended the lifespan of Umno and which PH lacks.        

PH is once again at a crossroads where it is forced to confront the question of Anwar’s suitability to serve as its sole prime ministerial candidate.

The Malacca elections have laid bare the coalition’s weaknesses and Anwar’s ability to win an election.

It is a case of reform or perish for PH right now and ironically, reform in PH is only possible with the stepping down of the leader who popularised the slogan, “Reformasi” in Malaysia.

When your medicine is also your poison, you know it has lost its efficacy as a cure and it is best to get rid of it to start afresh. – November 28, 2021.

* Kenneth Cheng has always been interested in the interplay between human rights and government but more importantly he is a father of two cats, Tangyuan and Toufu. When he is not attending to his feline matters, he is most likely reading books about politics and human rights or playing video games. He is a firm believer in the dictum “power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will”.

* This is the opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insight. Article may be edited for brevity and clarity.