IT seems like there is change in Malaysia, at least for the moment.

When Najib Razak was found guilty by the Kuala Lumpur High Court on July 28 of all seven charges – abuse of power, breach of trust and money-laundering – in his RM42 million SRC International Sdn Bhd trial, it certainly rejuvenated hope among Malaysians longing for justice. After all, the entire country has paid a heavy price for the corruption in the massive 1Malaysia Development Bhd scandal, and will continue to do so for years to come.

The unscrupulous behind-closed-doors dealings earned a few people the kind of fortune unimaginable to most: a Hollywood blockbuster with multiple Oscar nominations, paintings by Monet and Picasso, a luxury yacht, a pink diamond, and the list goes on. All these saddled the country with a debt of more than RM40 billion and killed the opportunity to deliver development and lift thousands from poverty.

The verdict caught the world’s attention. A BBC analyst said the trial was a test of Malaysia’s anti-corruption efforts, and The Guardian described it as a landmark ruling. A landmark ruling indeed. Never before had Malaysians seen a former prime minister brought down in the courts, demonstrating the judiciary’s check on the executive. It is especially noteworthy since Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s removal of Lord President of the Supreme Court Salleh Abas in 1988 created a judicial crisis that had a profound and long-lasting impact on the institution, which, according to some, has yet to recover. But, it remains to be seen whether Najib’s 12-year jail sentence sets us on the right path in the fight against corruption or is merely an anomaly made possible by political upheavals, after which it will be business as usual.

As once pointed out by Perak’s Sultan Nazrin Muizzuddin Shah: “Elite corruption is the most difficult to combat because of the power at the disposal of the elite, unless there is a major political upheaval.” He is right. Najib’s prosecution happened only after he lost the 2018 general election, as did investigations into the 2002 Scorpene submarine deal.

It is not so much the lack of political will, as the Barisan Nasional government did introduce anti-corruption measures beginning with the National Integrity Plan launched in 2004. The Government Transformation Programmes 1.0 and 2.0 continued the effort by making the fight against graft one of the seven National Key Result Areas, with 21 initiatives implemented under the scheme. Even the short-lived Pakatan Harapan administration came out with the National Anti-Corruption Plan, with the aim of implementing 115 initiatives over five years.

However, there is insufficient effort to provide oversight of sectors prone to corruption, and to prevent interference from those in power. As such, the perception of corruption in Malaysia persists, and the country’s standing in the eyes of the world remains mediocre. Until the people feel that the government is executing its policies fairly and consistently, it will be hard for them to believe Putrajaya is accountable and means business.

Can we afford to be complacent? According to a Global Financial Integrity report, there was illicit financial flow to the tune of RM1.8 trillion between 2005 and 2014, a portion of which was graft-related. Year after year, the auditor-general’s reports document millions lost through leakage and wastage. Meanwhile, many citizens suffer poor living standards.

The US embassy has this to say about human trafficking in Malaysia: “Official complicity continues to undermine anti-trafficking efforts. Ongoing corruption related to processes for foreign nationals to work in Malaysia increases the cost of migration, and consequently, increases migrant workers’ vulnerability to trafficking through debt-based coercion. Corrupt immigration officials facilitate trafficking by accepting bribes from brokers and smugglers at border crossings, including at airports. Some government officials profit from bribes and direct involvement in the extortion and exploitation of migrants.”

Malaysia is not alone in trying to curb graft; many countries face the same issue. And unfortunately, only a few have yielded successful results. Leaders are going after their political opponents instead of applying the law equally. Senior officials enjoy impunity, while low-level ones are charged. We focus more on formal plans and strategies instead of real goals and outcomes. Very often, the effort is undertaken from the top down, with little involvement from stakeholders and the public. Also, the culture of integrity and transparency is lacking. Worse still, there are signs that more and more youths have no issue accepting or offering bribes. The government is not the only one responsible.

When scandals like 1MDB take place, every single one of us pays the price. Therefore, we are all duty-bound to combat such crimes and push for more accountability and integrity on the part of the government by voting out corrupt politicians. If we can muster the will and determination, and act to effect change, perhaps, the historic court decision late last month will become the new norm. – August 10, 2020.

* Chan Yit Fei is a founding member of Agora Society. He is a cellist and educator by profession, and a biotechnologist by training. He writes to learn and to think, and most importantly, to force himself to finish reading books that would otherwise not see much of the light of day.

* This is the opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insight. Article may be edited for brevity and clarity.