THIS Saturday, Malaysia will celebrate its sixth decade of nationhood.

While this is a remarkable milestone for all Malaysians, for Sarawak folk in particular, this celebration is especially significant: This is the first time Malaysia Day will be celebrated with a Sarawak native as a deputy prime minister.

After the last general election in November 2022, in accordance with Pakatan Harapan’s (PH) election promise to appoint a deputy prime minister from East Malaysia, Fadillah Yusof from Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB), the dominant component party of the Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS), a vital partner in the unity government, was named deputy prime minister.

Including Fadillah, there are a total of five ministers from Sarawak in the federal cabinet, all from GPS.

Following the election, many observers have reached a similar conclusion: The dominance of GPS in Sarawak and the fragmentation of politics in the peninsula helped GPS to achieve the enviable position as an irreplaceable partner in the unity government and this is viewed as a good thing for the development of Sarawak.

As such, the continued dominance of GPS in Sarawak politics is something of importance to preserve for the state’s interest.

Allow me to disagree with such a notion. While the DPM post is undoubtedly a high-ranking one, its function is more symbolic than practical.

That is why a DPM normally holds another ministerial post in the cabinet as there would not be much to do as a DPM alone.

In fact, without the ministerial post, a DPM is not even qualified to be a member of cabinet, made up of prime minister and ministers, while DPM and deputy ministers are not included despite being government frontbenchers.

Compared with the past, it could not be said any of the ministerial posts given to GPS is really that prestigious.

During the Barisan Nasional (BN) era, PBB members were given some key ministerial posts that would normally be held by Umno members but not others.

For example, Abdul Taib Mahmud, Malaysia’s longest-serving chief minister, was defence minister in the federal government.

His uncle, Abdul Rahman Ya’kub, Sarawak’s first chief minister from PBB, was education minister. It was during his time English was switched to Malay as the medium of instruction in national schools.

Another PBB member, Sulaiman Daud, served as education minister not once but twice.

This is important to note because those posts, especially that of education minister, were viewed as vital stepping stones for any Umno politician who wanted to become DPM and PM. Not even MCA politicians were allowed to hold those posts, let alone Gerakan or MIC.

MCA did hold the finance minister post in the Alliance era but was never allowed anywhere near it after 1969. In this context, it could be said PBB was the real “no. 2” in the BN hierarchy.

Now, did having those posts contribute significantly to the development of Sarawak? One would think so, but the fact that Sarawak’s economic development lags behind peninsula states is an argument to the contrary.

For instance, the problem of dilapidated schools in Sarawak still persists despite state politicians having held the post of education minister for quite some time.

The fact that the Petroleum Development Act 1974, which many East Malaysians blame for the surrender of oil rights to the government, was passed when Taib was primary industries minister, also disproves the fact that having a Sarawak native holding certain post will help protect Sarawak’s interests in that sector. 

So, there is really nothing new about Sarawak politicians holding eminent positions in the federal government and the fact that they hold these positions does not automatically mean Sarawak will magically get all the developments and state rights.

Politicians and civil society in Sarawak should continue to push for more rights and developments, but they should do so without the illusion that the success or failure of their cause necessarily correlates with the influence of any political party or coalition in federal politics.

They should not be worried that lack of a dominant coalition will harm the fight for Sarawak rights.

In fact, I would argue it is about time for Sarawak politics to be more competitive.

To date, Sarawak and Pahang are the only two states in Malaysia that have never had a change of government.

Pahang at least had a hung assembly in the last general election. For Sarawak, the same parties have dominated the political scene from the era of Sarawak Alliance to Sarawak BN and now GPS.

A more competitive political environment could only be a good thing for the future of Sarawak and more broadly, Malaysia. Let’s keep politicians from all sides on their toes.

As such, the unity coalition model adopted by PH and BN in the recent six state elections should not be replicated for the next Sarawak elections. Let the political players compete freely and fairly, and let the people decide.

Happy 60th Malaysia Day. – September 11, 2023.

* Rayner Sylvester Yeo is a member of Agora Society. He was born in Sabah and is currently residing in Kuala Lumpur. Having grown up in a mixed-ethnic, multi-faith family and spent his working life in public, private and non-profit sectors, he believes diversity is the spice of life.

* This is the opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insight. Article may be edited for brevity and clarity.