DON’T get me wrong. The story of 25-year-old Jocelyn Yow being elected mayor of Eastvale, California is indeed inspiring and should serve as a testament that age is only a number in politics – in refreshing contrast to the political old guard in Malaysia which refuses to bow out.

Moreover, the fact that she is historically the youngest woman from a minority race to become mayor of a California city augurs well for the politics of diversity in the United States, which Yow apparently favours.

Indeed Yow could win the mandate to govern in Eastvale because the political system in the US enabled her to do so. To put it bluntly, there is local democracy in the US – something which is sorely lacking in Malaysia.

Too much focus has been laid on the gender and race of Jocelyn Yow when Malaysians commented on her achievements.

Most Malaysians bemoaned the nearly nil chances of Yow heading a local council here given she is both Chinese and a woman –a double whammy in a racially complex, patriachal country like Malaysia.

They are not entirely wrong. However, the crux of the matter is we have no local government elections to begin with. This applies to every Malaysian, regardless of race and religion, where they are denied the opportunity to vote for their local mayor or seek local office.

The collective memory of local elections in Malaysia becomes murkier and distant as years went by when the very last local elections in this land was first halted and subsequently suspended by our first prime minister Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra in 1965.

Since then, there has been zero local elections and any mayor or Yang di-Pertua that heads our respective local councils are mostly government servants appointed by the state government.

For Yow to be the mayor of Alor Star, for instance, she would first must have significant public service experience and most importantly, the tacit approval of the Perikatan Nasional Kedah government. An almost impossible mission, I would argue.

The state-local government arrangement is more bizarre even in the context of Malaysian politics, for your vote in choosing your state representative is also a vote for your local councillors or mayor.

One vote for both state and local representatives, which may be excellent news for politicians in Malaysia but bad for democracy and fellow Malaysians.

If the government were to abolish state elections and put instead an appointment system for menteris besar and assemblymen, angry protest and backlash would ensue from a power-hungry cohort. Yet, Malaysians have been living under such an unfair political arrangement – albeit at a local level – for more than 50 years.

The pretext given by Tunku to suspend local elections initially was the supposed spectre of “Konfrontasi” between Malaysia and Indonesia. Government officials argued that local elections would enable separatists to win elections at local level, and they could then destabilise the recent formation of Malaysia.

This was the official line being dutifully used as a justification to suspend democracy. It is ironic that the “Konfrontasi” has long ended, and yet local elections continue to be “suspended” even though there is no longer a risk of any separatist movement.

Tunku’s government was more interested in gaining control of local government and preventing the opposition from gaining electoral momentum via local councils. Both the state of Perak and Penang were used to opposition controlling town councils much to the ire of the then Alliance government.

It is in this context that reviving local elections remains a forlorn hope in Malaysia because of the “risk” that the federal or state government would be supposedly exposed to.

By restoring local elections, the state government would very much lose its dominance over local government, while this would ensure a mayor or local councillors be accountable to their voters – and not the powers-that-be in the state government.

This would also mean that the power wielded by the federal and state governments would be significantly reduced, and powers would be distributed in a more even manner between the local, state and federal governments.

Furthermore, an autonomous local government might act as a training ground for young and aspiring politicians who might potentially achieve greater success at the state and federal levels.

Yow is a perfect example of how the local institutions in the US are being democratic, promoting and setting a perfect stage for young people.

Taiwan is another good example where some of the youngest and most progressive lawmakers first began their political careers at the local council level.

The urgent need for local elections is all the more pertinent if you have been inspired by what Yow has achieved so far.

But we must remember, as brilliant and amazing Yow is, her victory is only possible if there is a pathway for her to seek a mandate from her constituents.

I am fully aware of the racial and gender barriers that exist in Malaysia, but the fight for restoring local elections should be prioritised above all else before we talk about a more diverse and gender-balanced representation at all levels of politics.

Lastly, just ask yourself this: do you even know who are the mayor and the local councillors of your city? The answer speaks volumes about the state of local democracy in Malaysia. – December 27, 2020.

* Kenneth Cheng has always been interested in the interplay between human rights and government but more importantly he is a father of two cats, Tangyuan and Toufu. When he is not attending to his feline matters, he is most likely reading books about politics and human rights or playing video games. He is a firm believer in the dictum “power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will”.

* This is the opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insight. Article may be edited for brevity and clarity.