GABUNGAN Parti Sarawak made a successful move into national politics, backing the unelected government of Perikatan Nasional (PN) in 2020 and yet not joining it.

Since then, it extracted concessions from the PN administration and its replacement, the Umno-dominated government, without any political cost.

It is projected that the big three coalitions that dominated politics in Malaysia will not win an outright majority in the November 19 general election and each will try to seek an alliance with parties from Sarawak and Sabah to form the next government.

It is also expected that each would struggle to form a coalition collectively as there is no clear or easy alliance in sight.

Whatever alliance formed in the peninsula, it will be a potentially weak coalition with the possibility that a “Sheraton Move 2” happening months into post-election.

Thus, whichever peninsular coalition that is desirous of governing will seek to form an alliance with parties from Sarawak and Sabah, a necessity to minimise risks of such a move being initiated in the future.

If so, why settle for just the promise of a deputy prime minister, a carrot being dangled by the coalitions to the political parties in Sarawak and Sabah?

Or instead of asking for major concessions, political parties in Sarawak and Sabah should unite as a coalition where they can be more than a counter-weight to the scheme of political play at the federal level that has been dominated by peninsular parties.

Both Sarawak and Sabah have been calling collectively for greater autonomy and the return to the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63).

And the stumbling block to a full recognition of MA63 is if the government of the day is dominated by peninsular parties.

When Malaysia was formed in 1963, 35% of the then 159 parliamentary seats in the Dewan Rakyat were allocated to Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak.

Of the total, 104 seats were allocated to Peninsular Malaysia, 24 to Sarawak, 16 to Sabah, and 15 to Singapore.

After Singapore left in 1965, its seats were not allocated to East Malaysia but were distributed in the peninsula on the basis that it had more people and states at the time.

In the current parliament, 166 (or 75%) of the 222 seats are in the peninsular while the remaining seats are in Sarawak (31) and Sabah (25).

There appears to be a lack of political will by the government to solve the 35% issue as more seats means Sarawak and Sabah, collectively, would have added might.

This was confirmed recently by the caretaker law minister who said cabinet papers were still being prepared, which needed to be discussed with the Sabah and Sarawak governments as well as the Election Commission.

November 20 could be a historic night and for the start of reconciliation in this country even if it takes a little longer.

Already, the Sarawak premier has said he wanted Malaysia to be strong and united, emphasised that Sarawak should be the “heart” of Malaysia because it has the required strength and a high quality of leadership and has played a role in achieving stability in the country.

Constitutionally, the leader who commands the confidence of a majority of the MPs will be made the prime minister. Traditionally, the leader of the political party or coalition with the largest number of MPs is the prime minister.

But in May 2018, Pakatan Harapan and parties supporting it backed the appointment of the leader of a party that has fewer MPs from the coalition to be the prime minister.

So, is there any reason why MPs from peninsular coalitions cannot support a candidate from the political parties in Sarawak or Sabah to be the prime minister since their support is crucial for a peninsular coalition to form a government?

Politics is the art of the possible. – November 1, 2022.

* FLK reads The Malaysian Insight.

* This is the opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insight. Article may be edited for brevity and clarity.