CHINA-MALAYSIA relations have set the tone for greater avenues of partnerships, banked on as the most crucial platform to safeguard our economic interests and thus the livelihoods and progress of millions of people.

The visit by Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi has again highlighted the enormous stakes at play and the need to cement the ties between both players for both geopolitical and economic reasons. 

The sentiment in the past two decades has shifted from initial wariness of the intentions of Beijing to one that is increasingly in pivot with China’s sphere of dominance and grip. Left with no viable option but to prioritise our overwhelming dependence on Beijing’s limitless and easy capital and the trade ties, we are left with increased vulnerabilities and tied hands over the larger picture of long-term national interests.

 The entrenched control of the mighty Chinese influence over our fundamental economic essence and increasingly our political independence has become a cause for concern, and the phenomenon is not confined to our nation alone.

The larger aim of revitalising the Chinese Dream by 2049 and the 100-year marathon for the great Chinese Rejuvenation have seen an array of strategic chess moves from the BRI to RCEP and a larger aim of controlling the South China Sea. The ultimate dream of reuniting Taiwan has also led to more bellicose and assertive measures in the region and beyond, including the Pacific and the greater Indo Pacific sphere. 

Reverberations and fear created have backfired on Beijing, pushing affected players deeper into the security assurance cover provided by the West. China’s efforts to deny America power in its immediate vicinity and to maintain its divide-and-rule approach are not sustainable in the long-term. The eventual shift to the universal laws and values based on the ideals of democracy, respect for human rights and sustainable trade and economic policies will trigger regional and global awakening for long term survival.

This mixture of anxiety and fascination over China’s return to power  continues to shape the security architecture for the region.

The spectrum of competition and relations with Beijing remains structural, systemic and value-driven, in which individual influence and affiliations matter less. Washington is banking on Beijing’s no-holds barred drive to narrow the existing power gap, while simultaneously enhancing its foothold in the Indo-Pacific, as justification for renewed containment measures. 

Beijing has wisely used the openings, opportunities and guarantees provided by America to maintain this global system that allows the peaceful access to trade that has fuelled China’s historic rise.

A pivot away from dependence on volume of trade, market access and capital as the pioneer tools of growth will mean less dependence on Beijing. As less focus is given to this, there will be a gradual transition to greater self-sustaining capacities. As the world transitions to innovation and value-based growth, the West’s endurance and staying power in this parameter should not be quickly dismissed or underestimated.

The current state of affairs of risky overtures and over-dependence on one power is unsustainable, risky and detrimental to both the economic vitality and sovereignty preservation of the individual states.

We have tried, to no avail, to maintain our centrality and to steer clear of being trapped between the lines of conflict between Washington and Beijing. For as much as we have stated our intention to encourage mutual cooperation and strategic interdependence with both powers, those official stances and spheres of purposes are subject to nuance and needs on the surface. We remain rightly fearful and wary of Chinese actions and increasing acts of impunity in the region, which violate our territorial integrity and national sovereignty. Calls for assurances of counterbalance measures from the West, especially Washington, have grown more urgent and at the same time, more discreet. Starker measures to contain the growing influence the growing influence of China have not been possible in the face of the need to keep ties with and avoid reprisals from Beijing. This risky and unsustainable approach, which has been our lot for year,  needs a strategic and futuristic revamp. We have been charting our policies in the safe mode, leading to strategic ambiguity for decades, at the expense of our national interest. We must take a clear, strategic and strong stance to jettison our reliance on Beijing and to set a new course with future great players that are both dependable and mature.

The dramatic modernisation of China’s military, the country’s mastery of technology and its influence on the world economy evoke both awe and anxiety, but Washington remains confident in its ability to keep the challenges they pose contained.

Washington will continue to take the moral high road in upholding international laws based on the values of freedom, democracy and respect for human rights.  Washington is also aware that the pattern, pace and outcome of the game are shaped by the strength of its own progress and future orientation. Barring an absolute failure and total collapse of America’s institutions and values, China’s pathway to its vision of global superiority can be effectively halted. 

The short game may be Beijing’s to lose for now, but the long game is certainly Washington’s to squander. – July 14, 2022.

* Collins Chong Yew Keat reads The Malaysian Insight.

* This is the opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insight. Article may be edited for brevity and clarity.