IN politics, when a party is successful, its leaders are often hailed as champions for leading it, and the opposite also rings true.

As far as success goes, DAP is likely at its zenith. After playing the firebrand Opposition since its 1965 inception, with many of its leaders suffering imprisonment and legal battles, the party ended its 53-year wait in 2018, securing the state government of Penang and was part of the ruling coalition in Perak and Selangor.

Two elections later, it would not only improve its performance, but see its first participation in the Federal Government, at least for 22 months. 

Comparatively, its twelve years or so as government (at federal and state level) have been a steep learning curve for the multiracial, but Chinese-majority party. It now enjoys nearly all the Chinese, most of the Indian and even some Malay votes, giving it a 95% victory rate on seats contested, the highest of any mainstream party. 

Many of the leaders representing the party by 2018, too, were quite junior compared to some that have been loyal members since the ‘60s and ‘70s. Some were lucky enough to be not only candidates but appointed to executive councils and other positions despite it being their first foray.

Through it all, though, the party leadership remained relatively strong. Despite some dissent, in recent years, it has been a familiar line-up, led by a loose coalition of pro-Kit Siang-Karpal factions, now in its second generation.

These factions often contend against each other, but reconcile at national level to support the dream team.

A second “coalition”, with supporters throughout the country and a significant presence in Johor, Klang and Perak, comprises members who may not always agree with the present leadership arrangement.

This movement have had varied leaders and various iterations through the years, leading or supporting movements like the “KOKS” (Knock Out Kit Siang/Karpal Singh), “Rainbow Coalition” in Selangor, “32 is Enough”, and so on.

This group enjoys widespread support, but has so far lacked enough to form the CEC themselves, perhaps due to lack of recognisable leaders other than their main leaders. It’s perhaps also due to the delegate system in DAP.

Fast forward to 2021, with the loss of federal power, and plenty of blame to assign, and not least of it attributed to the party’s perceived cosiness and subservience to Dr Mahathir, some of the old alliances have fallen and some have switched camps. 

Another factor is the alleged party “favouritism” to newer members, particularly its drive with the Malay groups.

These are said to have created some dissatisfaction with the grassroots, especially the party veterans.

However, these are not new in the DAP. The party has always had clashes of ideology and personalities. 

“New” and “Old” will always have their differences, but it is as important to move forward as it is to appreciate the sacrifices of the past.

The struggle of balancing interests of the party’s “Chinese” traditional voters and building a larger support base with the Malays and other communities started in 2008 and has been a tussle since. It quietened down with the sterling 2018 performance, but has since resurged through the voices of the grassroots.

There is a need however, to differentiate between what the voters want and what the branch members wish for, which may not always be the same thing. 

The Chinese are pragmatic voters, and for a long time have balanced between the need for representation in government, and fighting politicians to take up the cudgel on national issues.

Over the past 15 years, however, that line has been blurred as it widened from communal lines to issues pertaining to transparency, governance, the economy, housing affordability, education and so on.

Most of these require meaningful, conscionable participation in the democratic decision-making process.

With a shifting demographic, the Chinese vote bank will not last long, and the party will need to expand its appeal to truly be able to speak for all Malaysians, including the East Malaysians of Borneo and East Coast Peninsular Malaysians alike.

Whether old loyalties hold, or if DAP is headed for a leadership shift remains to be seen.

But whoever helms the party next would have to accept that wherever the internal political ground shifts, it will need to woo external voters, and that retaining the political model of the ‘80s and ‘90s in a different Malaysia may not be the best political bet right now. – April 28, 2021.

* Emmanuel Joseph firmly believes that Klang is the best place on Earth, and that motivated people can do far more good than any leader with motive.

* This is the opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insight. Article may be edited for brevity and clarity.