Moving Malaysia beyond the racial political model


Emmanuel Joseph

Political administration at every level needs to reflect the will of the people, and their legitimate needs and concerns. – The Malaysian Insight file pic, April 7, 2021.

AS more political parties have their general assemblies, political coalitions too, seem to be realigning.  

After MCA reserved the right to remain with Perikatan Nasional (PN), MIC too, over the weekend, played to the middle ground gallery, when it invited both Barisan Nasional (BN) chairman and Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, as well as PN chair and Bersatu supremo Muhyiddin Yassin to their general assembly. 

Both leaders applauded MIC’s contribution, with Umno hinting more than gently, that MIC belongs with BN. 

Abandoning their larger Malay-based flock of MPs to secure minority parties may not seem like a sensible political strategy, especially with MIC’s single MP seat and MCA’s two. But more than direct political power, MIC and MCA fill a much bigger void, perceived multicultural political power-sharing. 

It is this formula of power-sharing that lends credence to a “Malaysian” government, which despite all their political bravado and flexing of Malay credentials, both Umno and Bersatu realise, they need to effectively govern. 

Political administration at every level, needs to reflect the will of the people, and their legitimate needs and concerns. Sadly, even after 60 years of independence, coexisting and thriving as a nation, many still feel the need to be represented, at least nominally, by ethnicity or creed at the various levels of government. 

It was the perceived imbalance of political power, arguably that led to Pakatan Harapan’s (PH) early exit from government, when their detractors somewhat successfully, though not necessarily accurately, painted a picture of a non-Malay-dominated government that was a threat to the political stability and harmony accorded by it. 

Fast-forward to the “Sheraton move”, we are back at the same problem, though for most intents and purposes, worse off, and in reverse. Under PN, the non-Muslims are seen as under-represented and thus the need for administrative appointments and disproportionate allocation of posts to counter-balance that narrative. 

The reality is, PN had the golden opportunity to prove detractors wrong by taking bold steps in balancing a needs-based economic policy, and perhaps set a more inclusive and tolerant social direction, aimed at fostering harmony and restoring fraught inter-community ties.

While on the surface it may seem as counter-intuitive, given the expectation of the Malay-Muslim populace and the earlier promises made on that “unity” platform, in practical terms, such a political equation is actually the best position to implement such risky moves, as politics is potentially at its most stable, and by extension of this, palatability and acceptability of it, at its highest possible level, and can be managed well. 

This would have moved the mainstream political discourse away from the heat of race and religion and into the more mature, less disruptive policy-based debates. 

Instead, PN chose to not rock most boats, preferring to be seen as continuing with most policies, albeit with amendments, and a tapered down, but still visible, reformist-tinged agenda. 

To their credit, the opposition PH did not take a combative, contrarian approach to fill the void left with incendiary advances of their own. 

But if it were to hope to contribute and grow Malaysian politics, it must first be seen as a viable alternative, with a strong alternative to the present arrangement, and this needs to include all Malaysian needs, including Muslim and Bumiputra concerns. 

Both parties need to assure their detractors that they too, can speak for the legitimate concerns of their non-supporters and will continue to do so, with or without political support, but as responsible politicians and aspiring leaders of all Malaysians. 

If we can successfully do this, it would be a great first step in moving away from holding needs as political ransom and allow for mature political discourse, and eventually, more stable national politics, unaffected by ethnic and communal interests. – April 7, 2021.

* Emmanuel Joseph firmly believes that Klang is the best place on Earth, and that motivated people can do far more good than any leader with motive.


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