DAP and the Malay political puzzle


Emmanuel Joseph

Malay parties are pushing themselves into a corner, relying on the age old mantra of blaming DAP for the country’s troubles but finding it increasingly difficult to justify this position. – The Malaysian Insight file pic, October 21, 2020.

AS FAR as bogeymen go in Malaysian politics, there appear to be none scarier than the DAP.

It has got to be the only party capable of being blamed for squabbles within the government coalition, even after they have been demoted to opposition.

With a little more than 40 seats and without federal power, the party is still being blamed for everything from threatening Islam to causing Malay disunity.

DAP was even implied to have worked against co-operation between the Malay-majority parties so they will not be able to reach an accord, in order for them to thrive politically, sacrificing Malay and Bumiputera interests in the process.

Yet, recent developments clearly indicate that such co-operation may have been self-serving in the first place.

All illusions of noble ideals and lofty altruism were shattered when Umno made it sufficiently clear that it was unhappy with the distribution of positions, especially with cabinet appointments.

And it should be.

Not only is it the largest party in Perikatan Nasional, it is in fact, no lesser than its reason for being.

Not to mention the fact almost all of Bersatu’s seats were Umno’s to begin with.

So, is Malay unity still important?

There are two ways of looking at it.

First, Umno believes it is not as important as getting its fair share of the deal.

Second, Umno believes Bersatu isn’t key to any Malay unity to begin with.

While it was a marketable political topic, there has been little actual progress in any of the rallying cries: the tragic case of Adib, the Buy Muslim First campaign, or – arguably the favourite raison d’etre – abolishing vernacular education.

Still, the direct result of years of vilifying DAP with the “dominating party” narrative, not only from their enemies, but sometimes from their allies, has yielded the rather unfair outcome of the party being anathema to conservative and rural Malay voters.

This, in turn, has caused parties to callously avoid the DAP like a plague, despite it having the largest number of seats in Parliament, and, with Amanah in its corner, could be a key decider in who becomes prime minister, especially in today’s volatile game of political cat-and-mouse.

For Umno and PAS alike, it is a non-starter. They both solely depend on the demographic to retain their political power.

Even the more liberal elements within Umno will find it difficult to explain to their grassroots, what more with the party elections coming up.

The real question is for Bersatu. Increasingly defied by Umno and holding on to power with the prime minister’s position, seats from other parties’ strongholds and borrowed political time, do they return to the PH fold, where they will likely be shunned or do they continue with the present political arrangement and run the risk of being abandoned before or during the next general elections?

The Malay adage “ditelan mati emak, diluah mati bapa” sums their situation up quite well.

Ironically, DAP is in a similar pickle.

Having promised Anwar support contingent on him obtaining the requisite numbers, and with speculative reports now that Umno may be part of it, DAP too, is stuck between a rock and a hard place.

If true, the rewards and repercussions are simple for this complex situation.

Should DAP be entangled with anything Umno now, it could pay a dear price come the general elections.

Should DAP be left out of any possibility of returning to government, they lose both a second swing at government machinery to repair its image, especially with the rural voters, as well as the strategic advantage that comes with incumbency.

Neither Malay politics nor DAP can be dismissed as part of the political landscape. With coalition politics possibly seeing its last two legs and as Malaysia looks geared to look on temporary alliances based on supply and confidence, both strong parties are bound to connect somehow.

Yet for now, the jury’s still out on how they fit in each other’s political equation. – October 21, 2020.

* Emmanuel Joseph firmly believes that Klang is the best place on Earth, and that motivated people can do far more good than any leader with motive.


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