WHEN I first met Siti Kasim – online in this Covid age – her bubbling passion for her cause and the future of Malaysia came across very clearly.

Siti is inspiring to many of those she reaches. Gerak Independent (GI) is a movement of individuals under an umbrella sponsored by Malaysian Action for Justice and Unity and some civil society groups to put independent people into Parliament.

In December last year, GI announced its first six candidates for the coming general election, headed by human rights lawyer Siti and the former Umno MP for Sungei Benut Tawfik Ismail, who jointly founded the movement.

Others named in the inaugural list also included former journalist Charles C.J. Chow, Wangsa Maju resident Raveentheran Suntheralingam, social activist K.J. John, and Sabah based lawyer Roland Cheng.

Shortly after the announcement, Chow withdrew from the line-up for personal reasons.

The movement met with some initial criticism after announcing it would be standing in Pakatan Harapan constituencies.

Some claim this will be counterproductive, splitting votes and aiding a Barisan Nasional win. Standing against some of the die-hard Malay-centric party cadres would have sent a strong symbolic message.

Siti defended that move by claiming that once an election has been called all seats are vacant and not owned by anyone.

She went on to say that PH has been silent on a number of issues that are important to GI, in particular opposition MPs instructed to vote in favour of the last budget by their party leaders.

Siti and GI are against the party system, which she explains muzzles good MPs from speaking out on important issues.

They are prevented from following their needs of their constituents and their own conscience in the way they vote.

With PH’s poor performance in opposition over the most recent state elections in Malacca, Sarawak, and Johor, a vacuum has emerged where a multitude of new political parties have been set up to fill the void.

Philosophically, GI offers a different vision for Malaysia, through a number of general commitments to the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), ending divisive politics, restoring guaranteed freedom to the rakyat, restoring institutional power back to the rakyat, and creating a needs-based affirmative action policy or poverty eradication programme.

Consequently, GI calls for the separation of Islam and state and the abolishment of the Islamic Development Department of Malaysia.

GI wants agencies like the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) and the Electoral Commission to be independent of executive government.

All repressive laws like the Sedition Act, arrest and detention without trial, and the National Security Council Act should be abolished. All laws must be fair and just for all, and not selectively applied as they are today.

This commitment to independence doesn’t rule out co-operation with other parties, although GI ruled out working with PH.

Siti is scathing over the way PKR treated Parti Socialis Malaysia (PSM), through past elections, and Muda in the recent Johor elections.

However, it is believed that a number of party affiliated politicians have talked to GI.

Although, many praise the visionary intentions of GI, political pundits generally believe that without some attachment to one or more of the main parties, GI has little chance of picking up any seats.

This is contrary to the co-operative approach Syed Saddiq took in Johor, which helped Muda pick up one seat.

Siti on the cyber-hustings displays her charismatic passion, which aligns very well with the sentiments of many Malaysians.

GI is putting out its message, which is certainly an alternative view to what Malaysia is today.

GI is espoused as a citizens’ movement to change Malaysia. Siti talks of Malaysia requiring an urgent reset.

A failed education system, a bloated Malay dominated civil service, the increasing influence of an Islamic theocracy, and a society full of mediocrity and religious intolerance.

GI is the result of consultation with business people, academics, and civil society groups who see that change must come from within the Parliament.

Political parties are not the answer if there is to be a better Malaysia that is fair, equal, and just for all Malaysians.

The rakyat have for too long been hopeful that the government would do this. They have been let down time and time again. Even the PH government failed miserably with reform.

Siti espouses that GI would not exist if the political parties were altruistic and selfless in putting things right, above their own ambitions.

She reiterates that GI is not a political party, they are not in the numbers game, just wanting to get the message out and act as a catalyst for change.

The unfortunate side of the Malaysian electoral system is that the first past the post voting system, where a candidate must win the primary votes in single electorates makes it very difficult for minority parties and independents to gain parliamentary representation.

This is because it’s difficult to get enough concentrated support within any single electorate. This is going to greatly hinder GI’s chances of getting any of their candidates up on election day.

Malaysia’s electoral system is stacked against minority parties and independents, favouring the major parties.

With PH’s poor recent electoral performances, GI standing in PH held constituencies may be the best electorally strategic decision the grouping can make for the coming election.

However, there is a great cost to this. Standing against PH will most likely result in both losing to the Malay-centric parties. This will divide the opposition, and be counterproductive to the GI mission.

At the same time there is some strategic wisdom for PH to wake up to reality and work with GI. After all, the grand opposition umbrella is a PH idea.

If this doesn’t happen, some GI candidates may surprise and achieve a higher vote than PH in a couple of constituencies.

With the support of an opposition umbrella, it might have been possible for one or two GI candidates to get into Parliament.

Without any party support within Parliament, standing orders and procedures will tend to drown out the voices of independent members.

A lot will depend upon how GI is able to muster a grassroots campaign, which will be very difficult first-time round.

Most of the GI candidates are social activists new to running electoral campaigns where, by themselves and as newcomers, they may well find it an impossible mission.

The basic GI pillars are something that most Malaysians would aspire for the nation and like to see within the political system.

However, the reality is that when immersed in this system many good people have become politicians and become lost.

GI is very much the extension of the persona of Siti: a genuine committed activist, rather than a politician.

Her message is welcome by many Malaysians and, under the umbrella of a united opposition of which she and GI are part, could make an electoral difference.

This is where GI must work much harder to extend its reach to the youth and dispossessed groups in society, to turn GI from a small band of activists into a mass movement.

However, there is another proviso here. The rakyat, after two years of Covid related MCOs and other restrictions, are concerned about getting some relief from the associated financial strain.

Talking about reform in the coming general election and ignoring the plight of the rakyat will not get any traction electorally this general election. The rakyat want empathy and solutions.

GI has put the vision out. Now we can watch if the message gains any momentum, or is swallowed up by big party narratives before the coming election. – April 22, 2022.

* Murray Hunter reads The Malaysian Insight.

* This is the opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insight. Article may be edited for brevity and clarity.