IN the midst of the current health crisis brought by the global Covid-19 pandemic and what has tragically occurred in the political scene of the country, I have decided to pen my thoughts on what the future holds for our country. I will present my discussion in four parts and shall base my analysis on historical events from the 1980s till the present.

Part One

The watershed general election

In the wee hours on May 9, 2018, millions of Malaysians were awake waiting in great anxiety and anticipation of the outcome of the 14th general election of the nation. As more results trickled in on the social media late on that night, it was apparent that the regime of United Malays National Organisation/Barisan Nasional (Umno/BN), which had been in power for 61 years since Malaya became independent in 1957, had lost.  

The nation woke up on the following day to shock and disbelief. The ruling coalition had lost in a general election for the first time in the history of the nation.  The Umno-dominated ruling coalition BN that comprised 13 political parties had also lost in eight states, including the birthplace of Umno in the southern state of Johor. 

As daylight broke the day after the watershed general election, the subsequent unfolding events rapidly transformed shock and disbelief into relief and triumph for the nation. The newly elected leader, Dr Mahathir Mohamad, of the new coalition Pakatan Harapan (PH), formed just months before the general election, was sworn in about 9pm, as the 7th prime minister following the press conference on national TV by the ousted premier Najib Razak a few hours earlier that afternoon. It was a presser for the outgoing prime minister to concede defeat by saying that “I and my colleagues accept the verdict of the people”.
 
In the ensuing weeks and months, Malaysians from all backgrounds and walks of life were reveling in great jubilation and pride for their courage and boldness to usher in a new dawn for the nation.

A brief history

When Malaya achieved independence from Britain in 1957 and the eventual formation of the Federation of Malaysia with three other independent states, namely Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak, in 1963, our founding fathers of the new federation set noble principles and goals for the nation. They envisioned a nation in which every Malaysian could live together in harmony, unity and prosperity without fear and prejudice based on race and religion. They set out to strive for a nation free from poverty and corruption.

Lo and behold, after more than five decades of unceasing rule under the Umno/BN coalition and almost five decades of the implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1970, which sought to eradicate poverty and restructure society to create conditions for national unity, Malaysians were more divided than ever by the time the coalition was booted out of power in 2018. A true nationhood remained a distant dream.

Mahathirism 1.0

It was during this uninterrupted rule by the Umno/BN coalition over the past five decades that corruption became to permeate gradually into every facet of life in the country. By the time the Malaysian maverick, Dr Mahathir, became the 4th prime minister in 1981, the NEP was set in motion in greater pace, with his vision to transform Malaysia into a modern, industrialised nation by 2020. 

Industry, construction, finance and manufacturing expanded rapidly. The economy grew at an impressive average rate of well over 6% per annum for a number of years. The Malaysian economy became one of the roaring tigers in Asia.

In the eyes of Dr Mahathir, the Malays were passive and lazy. To achieve his 2020 vision, the 4th prime minister had argued that affirmative action under the NEP must be implemented aggressively to uplift the Malays into a new class of Malays. In his speech at the Umno General Assembly in November 1991, the new Malay would  possess “a culture suitable to the modern period, capable of meeting challenges, able to compete without assistance, learned and knowledgeable, sophisticated, honest, disciplined, trustworthy and competent”.

State-owned enterprises were set up on behalf of Malays with shares issued to Bumiputeras when a company expanded or was initially listed. The National Equity Corporation was also set up to buy shares in the open market and eventually distribute them to individual Bumiputeras. By the mid-1980s, the baffling economic policies had caught the imagination of economists around the world. A highly reputable university in Australia, Monash University, had even included in its Economics programme a detailed assessment on whether Dr Mahathir was transforming the Malaysian economy into an economic system based on socialism ideals. In the final analysis, the ultimate goal for Dr Mahathir was to redistribute wealth to Bumiputeras through state apparatus.

A crucial part of Dr Mahathir’s drive to achieve his 2020 vision was privatisation, a venture unique to Malaysia and aimed to meet the NEP target of at least 30% Bumiputera equity and participation in the employment sector. 

It was indeed during this frenzied privatisation period that crony capitalism found a way to flourish in Malaysia. A striking feature of the privatisation scheme involved dishing out lucrative contracts for mega projects, without open tender, mostly to Bumiputeras who were highly connected to Umno. These novice entrepreneurs also purchased official assets at discounted prices, often with soft credit and loans guaranteed by the government. One of the many such sweetheart deals involved none other than the purchase of 32% stake in Malaysian Airline System Bhd (MAS) in 1994 by Tajudin Ramli with a loan of RM1.79 billion from several banks. In the few years under the stewardship of Tajudin, the company faltered and went into a severe debt crisis. By 2001, the government decided to purchase the MAS shares back from Tajudin at a cost of almost twice the market price at the time.

The scope of privatisation became wider and its pace accelerated when Dr Mahathir brought in his blue-eye boy, Daim Zainuddin, as finance minister in 1984. Privatisation was extended to every conceivable commercial activity, ranging from construction to management of ports, highways and utilities, such as garbage disposal and water supply. Profitable state entities, such as Telekom Malaysia Bhd, were corporatised and listed on the stock exchange.

Undoubtedly, the NEP has brought massive development to the country over the past five decades. It has also eradicated poverty to a large extent and helped create a Malay middle class.

However, all that glitters is not gold.    

While the highly connected Malays have moved on to become a small neo-feudal super-rich Malay elite over the years, a vast majority of Malaysians of all racial backgrounds have been left behind. The two East Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak have also been relegated to some of the poorest states in the country. According to a United Nations report released last year, 15.5% of households in Sarawak have a total family monthly income of less than RM2,000. Many families in rural Sarawak also have difficulty accessing healthcare facilities and schools.

In hindsight, it is unambiguously clear that the NEP, right from the Dr Mahathir and Daim era in the 1980s, has set out to provide a foundation for national disunity and an economy to be characterised by a culture of rent-seeking, kleptocracy and incompetence. With easy access to loans and without the need for transparent open tender and innovation to be awarded lucrative contracts, the NEP has inadvertently encouraged Malays to shy away from risk-taking and be dependent on government handouts. The end result of business failures and bankruptcies is aplenty. Mega scandals, from the Bank Bumiputra affair in the 1980s, the Perwaja disaster in the 1990s to the National Feedlot fiasco and, the mother of all scandals, the 1Malaysia Development Bhd scandal, have, in more recent times, become the norm. However, some of these scandals may pale in insignificance when the fabulous wealth of former Sarawak chief minister Taib Mahmud is taken into account.

Ever since its inception in 1970, the NEP has also provided a convenient tool for the ruling elite to consolidate their grip on power over the past five decades. A mythical Malay unity has been created with the assumption that Bumiputeras must continue to be given help because they are the true owners of the land of Malaysia and that other races are mere guests. Article 153 of the federal constitution that grants the Yang di-Pertuan Agong responsibility for safeguarding the special position of the Malays and natives of Sabah and Sarawak has been deliberately misinterpreted over the years to mean that the NEP is a guarantee for entitlement for Bumiputeras. The NEP has grossly and sadly been abused for so long. It’s beyond comprehension: after five decades of the NEP’s implementation, rich Bumiputeras are still entitled to 7% discount when purchasing property in the real estate market when a vast majority of Malaysians are living paycheck to paycheck every month.

In a nutshell, the NEP has not only failed in its second objective of achieving national unity by eliminating identification of race in relation to economic function and geographic location, it is indeed heart-wrenching to see that the NEP has also created for the Malays a culture of dependency and fear of losing the entitlement to some imaginary foes. The self-confidence of a vast majority of Malays and their ability to speak up on injustice, abuse of power and corruption continue to be shattered and kept at bay by the ruling elite, as long as they can hold the reigns of power.

By the time Dr Mahathir stepped down as prime minister in 2003, the stage had been set for a nation as fractured as ever and a nation to be exemplified by abuse of power and indiscriminate plundering of the nation’s wealth by the ruling elite, disguised behind thundering hypocritical calls for Malay unity.

Part 2 

A fake reformer

As the nation installed a new leadership under the 5th prime minister in Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, a highly-respected politician from a prominent religious family, Malaysians felt a great sense of relief and exuberance with the new prime minister’s promise to clamp down on corruption and the arrest of several public figures from his predecessor’s era for corruption. Badawi went on to win the general election with a landslide majority for the Umno/BN coalition the following year in 2004 by capturing 198 out of 220 seats at the time.

As the honeymoon period for the victorious prime minister began to wear out, the incompetence of Badawi’s leadership became more and more apparent. There was little evidence to suggest that the administration was committed to stamping out corruption. There was absolutely no leadership at all on any concerted efforts to uplift the vast majority of Malays from the culture of dependence and fear of losing the ill-conceived entitlement to some fictitious bogeyman. No attempts were made to restore Malay self-confidence, self-respect and ability to compete in the increasingly globalised economy, so that Malaysia would one day become a nation not only of great prosperity, but also a nation whereby all Malaysians would be regarded as true Malaysians. Sadly, cronyism persisted and the venal continued to thrive from corruption.
 
According to a write-up by The Economist entitled “Malaysia – Cleaning Up?” in 2007, efforts by Badawi’s administration to curb corruption had become less transparent and little progress was made. 

Allegations were made against the prime minister for endorsing his relatives for being involved in abuses in relation to the Iraqi oil-for-food programme. The prime minister was also accused of allowing his brother, Fahim Ibrahim, to purchase a 51% stake in the government-controlled MAS Catering Sdn Bhd and sold his stake to Lufthansa’s LSGSkychef for a fat profit. The Badawi administration was also marred by allegations that major policy decisions were not shaped by the Cabinet, but by a bunch of “fourth-floor boys” who occupied the fourth floor of Perdana Putra, making the prime minister a puppet-on-a-string. One of these boys was none other than the prime minister’s son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin.

Within a short period of four years, the table was turned against the prime minister and the Umno/BN administration by the time the 12th general election was called in 2008. The coalition, for the first time in history, lost the customary two-thirds majority in Parliament and five states – Kelantan, Kedah, Perak, Penang and Selangor. The prime minister stepped down on April 3, 2009.

1MDB and Malay Supremacy (Ketuanan Melayu)

The demise of the Badawi administration heralded the arrival of a cash-is-king regime under the 6th prime minister, Najib Razak. Corruption soon took on a completely new dimension under Najib’s leadership. Corrupt practices became more rampant and blatant. Malaysians gasped in shock when the prime minister spewed shamelessly the infamous you-help-me-I-help-you statement in Sibu, Sarawak, during the by-election in 2010.

Right after Najib took over the reigns from Badawi in 2009, he embarked on an undertaking that eventually turned into a corruption scandal of unprecedented magnitude that shook the entire nation and the international community. Dubbed one of the world’s greatest financial scandals involving billions of dollars from a state fund, known as 1MDB, which was set up by the new prime minister for the development of  the nation, it caught the unfathomable imagination of those around the world. With the participation of one of Wall Street’s most powerful banks, Goldman Sachs, the scandal stretched over a web of financial transactions involving banking institutions from Switzerland to island tax havens, and to the heart of Malaysia and Singapore. In a public announcement on July 20, 2016, on action by US authorities to seize more than US$1 billion worth of assets allegedly bought with money stolen from the 1MDB fund, then US attorney-general Loretta Lynch said that “a number of corrupt officials had treated the public trust as a personal bank account”. 

Undoubtedly, the 12th general election in 2008 had threatened the political power base of Umno/BN after more than four decades in power since 1963.  Anticipation was growing on the likelihood that the political hegemony created by the Umno-dominated BN coalition would soon be condemned to political wilderness and give way to a more balanced two-coalition political environment.

It was around this time the concept of Malay supremacy (ketuanan Melayu) came to gain prominence. Right after the 12th general election in 2008, a Malay ultra-nationalist civil society body was formed by the name of Pertubuhan Pribumi Perkasa, or better known by its acronym, Perkasa. It was formed by Ibrahim Ali to defend the rights of the Malays. Once again, Article 153 of the constitution was invoked and abused in the name of defending rights and entitlements allegedly challenged by some fictitious non-Malays, while conveniently turning a blind eye to abuse of power, the unexplained fabulous wealth of the ruling elite and the plight of millions of poor Malaysians struggling in their daily life.

In 2017, then deputy prime minister from Umno said that Malaysia had granted permanent resident status in 2012 to the controversial fugitive Islamic preacher from India by the name of Zakir Naik, whose preaching had been banned in Bangladesh, India, Canada and the United Kingdom.

Part 3

Mahathirism 2.0 and a grand betrayal  

After 61 years of arrogance, abuse of power, rampant corruption and racial polarisation under the Umno/BN regime, Malaysians had finally decided it was time to change. After a marathon night of ballot counting on May 9, the Election Commission’s official tally showed the ruling Umno/BN coalition managed to hold on to just 79 seats. The new coalition PH, which comprised four component parties (PKR, DAP, Bersatu and Amanah) captured 113 seats under the first-past-the-post electoral system. Together with the eight seats won by the PH-friendly party, Warisan in Sabah, the new coalition was well poised to form a new government with a comfortable majority. The 4th prime minister, Dr Mahathir, became the 7th prime minister.  

For many weeks and months, a sense of hope and anticipation for a new Malaysia reverberated around different corners throughout the nation. Malaysians were overwhelmed in pride for their courage and ability to exercise their constitutional rights to bring change by choosing a new government through the ballot box, a process that is so fundamental and important to a parliamentary democracy. 

During its first year in government, the new PH administration introduced various measures for institutional reforms. Parliamentary committees were created to enhance greater participation by lawmakers from both sides of the political divide and provide mechanism for checks on executive power. Institutional reforms were also initiated and implemented for important government bodies, such as the Election Commission and the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC). 

Financial prudence was also implemented through concrete actions on corruption scandal such as the 1MDB fiasco, the grossly overpriced East Coast Rail Link, dubious deals at armed forces fund Lembaga Tabung Angkatan Tentera (LTAT) and Mara.

The new PH administration had also created a more open environment for media and more tolerant of dissenting voice, an environment that was unthinkable under the previous Umno/BN regime, during which one could even be charged in a court of law for tossing a balloon at the prime minister in protest. There seemed to be a newfound freedom of speech in Sarawak where community leaders, civil society, politicians from both sides of the political divide, as well as academics suddenly found themselves engaging in healthy and peaceful public debates and dialogue on Sarawak independence. 

Set up in the 1974 as a youth research unit under the youth ministry to nurture patriotism and cultivate future leaders, the National Civics Bureau or Biro Tatanegara (BTN) was rebranded and transferred to the prime minister’s department in 1981 and eventually ended up as a propaganda tool for the Umno/BN regime to incite racial hatred, disunity, religious bigotry and intolerance. A significant milestone for national reconciliation by the new administration was carved when the youth and sports minister Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman, announced on August 13, 2018, that the Cabinet had agreed to abolish the BTN and discontinue the National Service programme with immediate effect. 

As the government entered its second year in power, it became clear that the new administration under the premiership of Dr Mahathir had struggled to grapple with the devil that has haunted the nation for the past few decades. 

Hope and anticipation slowly gave way to acrimony and disappointment.

Growing political patronage and cronyism during the Dr Mahathir era in his first tenure as the prime minister in the 1980s and 1990s were showing no indication of disappearing. Political appointments for plum positions in government-linked companies (GLCs) and statutory bodies continued to be made based on political party affiliation rather than experience and expertise, though a small number of experienced industry captains were appointed to some GLCs.

For decades prior to the watershed general election in 2018, many PH lawmakers while in the opposition, had articulated eloquently, that the senate was in urgent need for reform. They rightly argued that the subsequent Umno/BN regimes had, over the years, at the expense of so much taxpayers’ money, turned the senate into nothing more than a dumping ground for political rejects in order to preserve the political interests of the ruling elite. Candidates who were rejected in a general election, political associates and cronies were appointed to become senators with some to be appointed ministers and deputy ministers at a later date. This shameful practice soldiered on under the PH administration. In one instance, the daughter of a veteran PH lawmaker was appointed a senator.

Perhaps the greatest disappointment by the PH government stemmed from the lack of political will to address key age-long demons, particularly in the areas of the economy and education, that has tormented and divided the nation over the past few decades.  

One would no doubt understand that it is by no means an easy feat to unwind decades of abuse of power, grand corruption and deliberate social engineering by the Umno/BN ruling elite, with the ultimate goal of consolidating their grip on power, to make the vast majority of Malays believe that they are entitled to whatever resources the country has under Article 153 of the constitution, and that all Malays must come together in the name of Malay unity and Islam because, according to Umno/BN propaganda, their entitlement has been threatened and challenged by non-Malays, regardless of how comical the fabricated claim may seem in reality.

Sadly, bold policy initiatives for fundamental reform to change the mindset and behaviour of Malays didn’t seem to be forthcoming. There was simply no political will by PH leadership to take courageous policy steps to empower the vast majority of Malays by nurturing their self-confidence, self-reliance and the ability to compete, so that the culture of dependence on government handouts and insecurity will be transformed into one based on self-pride, dignity and innovation in the years to come.

In fact, old guard members of the prominent elite, such as the prime minister himself and his trusted lieutenant, Daim, still advocated from time to time the need to maintain the clutches of the NEP. The narrative of the fiction in which Malay rights and entitlement have been challenged by non-Malays continued to be a crucial part of the Malaysian political paradigm.

During the Malay Dignity Congress in October last year, the organiser of the congress, a former academic, questioned non-Malays and their challenge of the social contract. He also roared, shamelessly and without any sense of decorum and dignity, that the country “belongs to the Malays and non-Malays should not exceed certain parameters”. He went on to say that the natives of Sabah and Sarawak and the Orang Asli of Peninsular Malaysia should not be entitled to the same rights as the Malays. The congress was well attended by top brass leaders from both the government and opposition, including Umno and Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS).

The prime minister, who accepted the invitation to participate in the congress, admitted in his speech that the Malay element in the PH government was not as strong as BN’s, despite being led by Malay leaders. He also said that this was due to the Malay community being divided into multiple political parties, which now led to the Malays being left behind both economically and politically. Perhaps age might have caught up with the prime minister as he was seemingly trapped in a time warp back in the 1980s. There was pin-drop silence from the top PH leadership.

Over in Sabah and Sarawak, which had been neglected by the federal government under the Umno/BN regime since the formation of the Malaysian Federation in 1963, the plight of the rural poor did not seem to have attracted much attention of the new PH government.

Another key area the PH government had failed to address was the worsening education standards of public schools. According to a report by the World Bank in 2013, 93% of those applying for the Bachelor of Education programme did not have the necessary academic qualifications, while 70% offered a place also fell into the category. The prospect for the higher education sector did not look promising either. 
Numerous literature have pointed out over the years that recruitment, selection, continuing professional development, rewards or career advancement of staff has seldom been based on merit. There was no indication as to whether the PH government would engage with various stakeholders for a comprehensive assessment on the effectiveness of the Education Blueprint unveiled in 2013. The colour of school shoes, taking up swimming lessons at hotel swimming pools and providing free breakfast to children took precedence.

Race relations among the different communities remained as fragile as ever. A new Malaysia remained an illusion.

In hindsight, it seemed that the Malay Dignity Congress was ominous of a looming unthinkable act of betrayal in the weeks and months ahead. On February 24, 2020, a group of schemers, who shared the front stage with Dr Mahathir during the Malay Dignity Congress, from the PH ruling coalition component parties gathered at Sheraton Hotel in downtown Kuala Lumpur to plot the collapse of the 22-month-old PH government, resulting in the political turmoil that brought irreparable shame and ignominy to the nation.

Part 4

A treacherous backdoor coup administration

As the schemers played out their plot to take over power following the Sheraton gathering, the nation practically came to a halt for nearly a week as Malaysians were trying to come to grip with what had happened. A new prime minister was eventually appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and sworn in on March, 1, who then went on to form a government known an Perikatan Nasional (PN). In a twinkling of an eye, Malaysia became a pretend democracy once again.

Just a little less than two years ago on May 9, 2018, Malaysians went to the polls to exercise their constitutional right to choose a government through the ballot box. The mandate from the rakyat was unambiguously loud and clear – Umno/BN, PAS and GPS from Sarawak were resoundingly rejected by Malaysians. Under the Malaysian first-past-the-post electoral system, the mandate to form a government over the next five years was bestowed on the new PH coalition. 

Ambition by any individuals or political parties to take over the government ought to be translated into a contest for a new mandate from the people at the next general election. The mandate of people expressed through the ballot box in a general election ought to be respected and guarded vigorously by all in a parliamentary democracy.   

Though few would cast any doubts on the legality of the PN government comprising Umno/BN, PAS, GPS and Bersatu together with a cartel of rebels from PKR, as the appointment of the new prime minister has been done in accordance with the constitution, the new administration will be remembered in Malaysian history as a government with no mandate and legitimacy to be in government. The prime minister himself had recently admitted in a Covid-19 address on national TV that his government was not what the people voted for. 

As the constitutional role of the Agong has duly been completed in reaching his decision as to which leader from a political party was most likely to command a majority to form a new government, the newly appointed prime minister has yet to show his courage to prove that he can indeed command the majority in the sovereign body of the nation, the Malaysian Parliament.
 
With the onslaught of the global coronavirus pandemic with many countries around the world having gone into lockdown mode to prevent the spread of the outbreak, the yet-to-be-confirmed-by-Parliament prime minister of Malaysia has decided to prorogue Parliament. And, after finally deciding to convene the next parliamentary session on May 18, the sitting will be reduced to a farcical one-day affair with no question-and-answer slot for lawmakers. Just because there is a national health crisis does not mean that the government of the day can ignore having to be accountable and transparent.

After almost two months in office, the new government, with a bloated Cabinet comprising 70 ministers and deputy ministers, has gone on a rampage and continuation of abuse of power and spectacular decades-old corrupt practices and incompetence. From the disgraceful act of leaving out chief ministers from the five non-PN states for the special National Action Council meeting on the Covid-19 pandemic to wasting scarce precious personal protective equipment by ministers for cheap publicity stunts and political patronage of filling up positions at GLCs and various statutory bodies with PN MPs, Malaysians have once again found themselves swimming in an ocean filled with disbelief and shock. Malaysians have also been constantly greeted by embarrassing gaffes from various ministers making unverified and ridiculous statements on warm water, the famous cartoon character Doraemon and Tik Tok.

A Third Force

Malaysians have gone a long way and fought hard and strong over the past decade for a just, progressive and more democratic nation. Sacrifices shown by civil society leaders, the general public as well as Malaysians living overseas were just phenomenal. Sweat and tears were shed. A lot of activists and civil society leaders were harassed and jailed for their unwavering commitment and determination to fight for a better Malaysia.

What happened two months ago when Malaysians were force to accept a government they did not vote for at the last general election has no doubt thrown the nation’s path back in time by a few decades.

The present global Covid-19 pandemic will eventually pass. The challenges in the weeks and months ahead brought by this pandemic will be unprecedented. But there will come a time when Malaysians have to come together again to tell the powers that be that Malaysians have not given up hope to strive for a better tomorrow and that it is unacceptable to form a government through treachery and betrayal of the mandate of the people.

Perhaps it is time for young Malaysians, righteous, young Malaysians without the garbage background of the existing political establishment, to step forward and take charge for the future of this country. In New Zealand, a young woman by the name of Jacinda Ardern was elected in 2017 as the prime minister at the age of 37. Her exemplary leadership has indeed provided inspiration around the world over the past three years.
 
Prior to the 14th general election in 2018, who would have thought that the regime that had ruled the country for 61 years would be thrown out of power through the ballot box? The unthinkable does happen in life. The time has come for a third force, a force comprising a group of young and progressive Malaysians, to emerge as an alternative to the existing toxic political establishments.  

As for the two east Malaysia states of Sabah and Sarawak, which have been grossly neglected by subsequent federal governments over the past five decades, it is also time for the legality and validity of Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) to be reassessed by all parties concerned. – May 2, 2020.

* James Wong Joon Min reads The Malaysian Insight.

* This is the opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insight. Article may be edited for brevity and clarity.