THE euphoria of Malaysia Baru after the 14th general election dissipated fast, despite unprecedented reform measures by the new Pakatan Harapan (PH) administration.

Some of these historical measures include reforms in the electoral system and the judiciary, empowerment of the anti-corruption agency and parliamentary institutions, improved press freedom and widened democratic space for the rakyat.

No doubt these reforms are essential for the sustainable long-term development of the nation. However, the rakyat, especially the lower-income groups, are still in economic hardship due to the escalating cost of living and stagnant income growth.

The “hope” or “harapan” which was promised by PH has not materialised. What has happened since May 9, 2018?

It was obvious that for the ordinary rakyat, the daily bread-and-butter issues have not changed. The government savings from re-negotiated contracts, the recovery of looted funds in 1Malaysia Development Bhd and other anti-corruption efforts did not translate into greater prosperity for the man on the street.

The reduction in subsidies, coupled with low commodity prices, eroded their disposable income. The wages of the working population failed to match the increase in expenses despite minimal wage increase. This happened on the background of a subdued economy due to external factors such as the US-China trade war and low commodity prices.

Unfortunately, the delivery of government services has not improved under the PH administration. This was due to multiple factors. Some are longstanding problems inherited from the previous administration. Some are self-inflicted by the new administration.

With an overarching desire to ensure good governance, the ministers, being new, and the bureaucrats, being unfamiliar, were navigating uncharted territories. Longstanding practices and procedures were been monitored closely.

Most bureaucrats, except those still loyal to Barisan Nasional (BN), were exceptionally careful and played safe and “worked to rule” to avoid making mistakes. Uncertainties were common, not to mentioned the multiple U-turns. These caused much confusion and also delay in decision making. 

There has not been any major effort done by PH so far to simplify procedures and ensure transparency in government administration. Hence, the ordinary rakyat cannot feel any appreciable improvement in the delivery of governmental services since GE14. Some felt it was worse. 

In fact, some may even argue that an efficient though corrupt government is better than a clean but incompetent government. Some well-intentioned policies went grossly wrong. 

Ministries were forking out policies that were neither coordinated, planned nor well thought of. Many of these “new” policies were unfortunately continuation of former BN policies.

Many good but unpopular policies were put on hold before GE14 by BN. These policies were again presented by the bureaucrats to the new ministers and implemented by PH without proper planning and due public engagements. 

PH may be good at formulating good policies but are extremely poor at connecting to multiple stakeholders, especially in the absence of a long and trusting relationship (like what BN used to enjoy) with the relevant stakeholders.

No doubt most are good policies with noble intentions. However, the ministers were unprepared, and so were Malaysians.

There are also difficult and unpopular decisions inherited from the BN era, which PH cannot avoid. PH just has to make these difficult decisions and deal with the consequences. These include decisions on Lynas, National Higher Education Fund Corp or PTPTN, tolled highways, and the restructuring of Felda and Tabung Haji. 

The most significant “U-turn” was the issue on the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD). The issue polarised and divided the nation along racial lines. Moderate and rational voices were drowned and quickly became inaudible. PH’s failed attempt to rectify ICERD not only cause a dent in its credibility but gave Umno and PAS a golden opportunity to cooperate openly. 

The Sri Maha Mariamman Temple riots in Subang Jaya and the subsequent death of fireman Muhammad Adib Mohd Kassim caused mounting inter-racial and inter-religious tensions. It exposed the failure of PH in handling and effectively communicating sensitive issues. This was also a reflection of the PH government’s failure in building a national consensus.

The introduction of jawi calligraphy (khat) in Year Four of primary schools came at a time of mounting discontent, distrust and disappointment.

The reaction of the non-Malay community caught everyone by surprise. The Chinese, who overwhelmingly supported PH during GE14, felt that it was as if the PH government was doing everything possible to appease the Malay voters.

Some of them opposed the introduction of khat for valid reasons. But most of the opposition were reactionary, out of distrust and fear.

There have been repeated calls to close down Chinese and Tamil vernacular schools by various parties and the calls went unchallenged even though it was not part of PH’s policies. This created fear and distrust, especially among the Chinese.

It is obvious that PH has failed to build a national consensus on many divisive issues. When PH started to yield to unreasonable demands from one segment for fear of losing votes, every controversy is viewed as a zero-sum game. The gain for some is perceived as a loss for another. Malaysians are driven further and further apart along racial and religious divides.

Has PH lost faith in the middle ground? In dealing with a multiracial society like Malaysia, policy decision making should not be race-based. It cannot be a zero-sum game where one gains at the expense of others. In so doing, the nation will be divided and will not go far.

A diverse society can only be an asset for the nation when the overall strength is greater than the sum of parts from each community. 

A diverse but cohesive society built based on sound principles is what is needed for this nation. The moment PH succumbs to irrational demands due to fear of losing votes is the end of the spirit of Malaysia Baru. When this continues, the nation will be caught in a perpetual debate on race and religion.

PH should lead and build consensus based on common sense, international norms and national constitution. The majority of Malaysians, irrespective of race or religion, are peace loving and rational people. The middle ground is still the largest segment of the population. Never mind the extremes from both sides.

PH needs a new narrative to restore trust and to build a national consensus. At the one-year anniversary of PH government, Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad presented the idea of “shared prosperity”. This should be the beginning of a new narrative. The message should be communicated in a coherent and consistent manner and build upon it a Malaysia Baru.

This Malaysia Baru should feature a developed nation with equitable distribution of wealth. Affirmative action based on needs will help predominantly the Bumiputera and Malay community and smaller number of poor non-Malays.

The business community will benefit from the uplifting of the poorer segments when disposable income increases. A pro-business government will also help economic growth and ensure enough jobs for the workers. 

A Malaysia Baru is also diverse in culture and religion with dominance of Malay/Islamic component. It should be a caring society with due consideration for the environment. 

Reclaiming the middle ground should be the way forward for PH and Malaysia baru. – August 10, 2019.

* Dr Lee Boon Chye is the deputy health minister and Gopeng MP.