IF mainstream papers are to be believed, the biggest social problem Malaysia is facing right now is the LGBT “threat”  and the most important political issue is if Azmin Ali or Rafizi Ramli wins the PKR party elections, because this would affect the next prime minister of the country.

What was supposed to be a straightforward, polite competition between party comrades on who best to lead the party has turned into national interest.

Instead of a battle of ideas and policies, it appears to have become a question of who is more loyal to Anwar Ibrahim.

Is loyalty and deference to Anwar different from the highly criticised wa’la practised by PAS, or the “no contest for president” rule in Umno? Has the man himself come out demanding loyalty or is this just a case of party members reading too much into something that may not even be there?

There are four players in the “conspiracy” alleged by Rafizi – Anwar (the victim), Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Daim Zainuddin (the conspirators), and Azmin (the alleged insider). All four have denied any plot. Even the deputy prime minister and Anwar’s wife, Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, has denied any such conspiracy. Why this is still an issue is surprising.

The issue’s battle cry, too, is a little bit confusing. Rafizi has positioned himself as the defender of the Reformasi legacy but has Azmin done anything to prove he isn’t dedicated to the cause? For most intents and purposes, he has been an effective menteri besar and a strong MP. For more than one term, he held no official government position in Selangor, despite being an elected MP and assemblyman, as well as a Reformasi stalwart, having been imprisoned alongside Anwar. In public, at least, he has appeared to be deferent and respectful to both the deputy prime minister and Anwar. So, it isn’t surprising that Azmin has both public sympathy and trust.

Rafizi, on the other hand, is popular with the urban crowd, who credits his strategy for the general election win.

But 2018 was not the only election that Rafizi strategised, and he was not the only person responsible for that strategy. Even if PKR’s entire strategy was devised by him, the credit is to be shared by strategists from the remaining Pakatan parties, as well as the popularity of figures during the election, including Dr Mahathir, with the semi-urban crowd and Azmin in Selangor.

The election isn’t only about Azmin or Rafizi, Anwar or Dr Mahathir and Daim.

This past election was won, just like in 2008, overwhelmingly by the will of the people.

Similarly, the Reformasi movement, while instrumental in the political awakening of many during the first Dr Mahathir era, was a culmination of many struggles before it, some originating from within Umno. DAP and PAS, along with many civil society groups, were responsible for the mobilisation and awareness towards that cause.

The traction gained within Suqiu and the “People are the Boss” declaration in 1999, and subsequent Hindraf rallies post 2004’s general election helped the anti-government movement swell. The first racially balanced social movement would be the later iterations of Bersih. Many of these demands have evolved, but at the heart of it are institutional reforms, often interwoven with demands for the removal of people who have corrupted those institutions.

Reform did not start, nor will it end, with “Reformasi”.

Even with all the effort, it took three waves to take down Barisan Nasional, with no small contribution from disgruntled former BN, especially Umno, members themselves, no less than an additional former prime minister, another former deputy prime minister and several former ministers to finally unseat Najib Razak’s administration.

It was, in the end, the will of the people and not the strategy or personal branding of any one politician. Hence, the loyalty to politicians should be limited to his or her ability to deliver promised reforms.

The danger is if such loyalty shifts solely to the individual, then the danger of a second PAS or Umno scenario, where the leader can do no wrong, will happen on this side of the political fence as well.

Reform, therefore, needs to be beyond just Dr Mahathir and beyond Anwar, as well as anyone else aspiring to be in power. – September 5, 2018.

* Emmanuel Joseph firmly believes that Klang is the best place on Earth, and that motivated people can do far more good than any leader with motive.