THE end of 2022 brought a new, unlikely government comprising Pakatan Harapan and Barisan Nasional.  

It was unthinkable that the Malay nationalist party would end up in coalition with the progressive coalition headed by Reformasi leader Anwar Ibrahim, but here we are.

The unification of the two rivals could well spell the end of parliamentary democracy and accord the government untrammelled power at the risk of it becoming authoritarian.

Malaysia’s two-party system is under strain as politics become increasingly diverse; while this is a sign of a vibrant democracy, it also has a profound effect on politics itself.

Historically, Malaysian politics has been simple enough. One was either for or against Barisan Nasional

A vote was generally not underpinned by ideological ideals but to preserve the status quo or punish the government of the day. The results were never too disruptive.

Until 2008, BN enjoyed a two-thirds majority and in control of all the states with the exception of Kelantan.

At best, the opposition could only aim to deny BN that supermajority. 

The first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system has also played a part in buttressing the two-party system because it discourages the development of a third party.

In a winner-takes-all system such as the FPTP system, there is no prize for finishing second, never mind third.

Therefore, various opposition parties, although ideologically divided, must present a united front to stand a chance against BN. Thus, politics, for better or worse, are neatly divided into two camps which enables the two-party system to continue to function. 

Perhaps the most vital factor that sustained the two-party system was BN’s dominance as a permanent government with Umno being the hegemon.

This created political stability but at the cost of democracy and civic freedom.

That dominance was broken when BN won a humiliating 30 seats in the general election. 

Most importantly, the weakening of BN has the effect of disrupting the two-party system.

Naturally, if PH were the only benefactor of BN’s demise, the two-party system could have been maintained in which the role of BN was filled by PH.

However, PN was unable to establish itself as the alternative to Umno in Malay constituencies. That role has instead been taken up by PAS and Bersatu

Instead of withering away, Bersatu lives on with the able support of PAS. The PN coalition is set to be a permanent political player. Gone are the days of BN’s political monopoly. What we are seeing is a new era of multi-party politics in Malaysia 

Logically, a FPTP system tends to produce a single-party majority government.

However, what was the most surprising outcome of the election was a hung parliament which gave rise to a coalition government.

This speaks to the fact that voters are not prepared to give a strong mandate to any political party.

An understanding of these political realities will hopefully push the three main coalitions to address their individual deficiencies: PH’s over-reliance on urban seats, PN’s lack of support among non-Malays, and BN’s inability to reform.

This reinforces the case for multi-party politics, which along with the continued experiment of a coalition government, could spell the end to the way Malaysians views elections. – January 1, 2023.

* Kenneth Cheng has always been interested in the interplay between human rights and government but more importantly he is a father of two cats, Tangyuan and Toufu. When he is not attending to his feline matters, he is most likely reading books about politics and human rights or playing video games. He is a firm believer in the dictum “power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will”.

* This is the opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insight. Article may be edited for brevity and clarity.