AMID the sex scandals and political shenanigans, something very locale and democratic happened recently in Paroi, a little village on the outskirts of Seremban with a population of fewer than 1,000. On July 7, residents went to their community hall to elect their village chief, or “ketua kampung”. At the end of that day, Paroi got its first-ever elected chief to represent residents’ concerns.

Restoring local elections is a protracted political affair. It has been more than 50 years since Malaysians last cast their votes for a local government. The inception of a new federal government coupled with the local government minister’s enthusiasm have once again injected hope into the movement to restore local elections. Nevertheless, the prime minister’s scepticism on the matter is still apparent, while the deliberate wording “strengthening local democracy” in the Pakatan Harapan manifesto is a cause for concern – and perhaps, hints that there is resistance to local elections within the ruling coalition.

Therefore, the story of Paroi should be heralded as another stepping stone to the revival of local elections. History will remember Paroi as the first locality to have any form of local elections under the PH government, and the village chief vote was only made possible with most things falling into place. First of all, the post had been vacant for a while, and the performance of the past village chief left a lot to be desired. Also, the locals are particularly demanding of their chief, and they are justified for wanting their village to prosper. Therefore, the search for a better village chief led them to warm up to the idea of choosing their own. While there is no guarantee that an elected village chief is superior to an appointed apparatchik, the fact that an elected chief can claim democratic legitimacy from the locals themselves is indisputable.

Yet, any form of local elections in Malaysia requires the approval of the powers that be. Therefore, it is to the credit of the Negri Sembilan administration that the Paroi vote was held under the auspices of the state government, and the newly elected village chief will be recognised by the state, as promised by the local government executive council. Nevertheless, the Negri Sembilan Chinese Assembly Hall Youth (NSCAHY) deserves the most praise for presiding over the election. And, NSCAHY was perhaps the most instrumental in making the vote possible in the first place. In short, the Paroi election owes its existence to no fewer than these three social blocs working in tandem: residents’ need for a competent village chief, the state government’s endorsement, and a civil group willing to take on the mantle of leading the election.

Also, polling day was preceded by a debate session, a further indictment of the argument that political debates in public should not be encouraged. The debate was attended by a healthy crowd, and both candidates should be commended for having the courage to face the residents. It was a far cry from our prospective MPs or assemblymen, who seem to view attending debates as akin to going through purgatory. In the Paroi debate, the candidates were given 20 minutes to explain their aspirations and hopes for the little village, ranging from better traffic lights, environmental concerns and combating dengue to budget transparency. Subsequently, residents were given the opportunity to question the candidates, and they, too, exhibited political maturity by asking and expressing their opinions about the candidates’ availability upon being elected, Paroi students’ limited Bahasa Malaysia proficiency and the declining state of the village’s night market. It was heartening to witness a debate that was strictly confined to local concerns, and where both candidates eschewed the nastiness of petty bickering and partisan politics.

A turnout of 41.39% was deemed a huge success in the end – and a surprise to many – because most observers had predicted a turnout of between 20% and 30%. There were no spoilt votes and unreturned ballots, and the counting process was arranged in a way that involved both candidates, to ensure transparency. Moreover, some eager residents surrounded the community hall, which was locked, and acted as “polls observers” through the many windows. Therefore, the counting process was conducted under their informal “supervision”, and perhaps, there is no better way to ensure clean and fair elections than allowing the participation of most constituents.

In the end, the election was comfortably won by the state-backed candidate, who garnered two-thirds of the vote. However, the residents were the biggest winner of the day, having participated in a local democratic exercise, and can now say they are from Paroi with an elected village chief – a privilege not many Malaysians have at the moment. Paroi’s election proves that Malaysians are capable of choosing their own local representatives, and its success also lays bare that the reasons for not having local elections in Malaysia are running thin.

If Paroi is allowed to choose its own village chief, it is unfathomable why, for example, the Seri Kembangan new village in Selangor is denied that very same right. Moreover, appointed local councillors are not accountable to residents, and reduce the local government to merely an appendage of the state administration. PH would do well to remind itself that there is no greater substitute for “strengthening local democracy” than granting Malaysians the right to choose their own local governments and village chiefs.

Paroi has already shown us the way forward, and the ball is now in the new government’s court. – July 19, 2019.

* Kenneth Cheng has always been interested in the interplay between human rights and government but more importantly he is a father of two cats, Tangyuan and Toufu. When he is not attending to his feline matters, he is most likely reading books about politics and human rights or playing video games. He is a firm believer in the dictum “power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will”.

* This is the opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insight. Article may be edited for brevity and clarity.