IT was an election that stunned a nation and one that left the ruling Barisan Nasional reeling in the wake of its worst-ever election performance in almost 40 years.

The government not only lost its super majority in Parliament for the first time since the 1969 general election, it also lost an unprecedented four state governments.

Many theories were floated about how the “political tsunami” of March 8, 2008 happened, ranging from anger towards the ruling pact to rising fuel costs, which added to the cost of services and goods. 

Associate Prof Awang Azman Awang Pawi said the biggest contributor to the stunning opposition win was the way it had united to challenge BN’s grip on power.

“All the 165 peninsular federal seats saw straight fights between BN and the opposition. 

“They had all grouped together into Pakatan Rakyat. PKR, DAP and PAS agreed not to contest against each other, which helped them take advantage of disgruntlement on living costs and other issue.

“This was one of the monumental factors in the opposition’s ability to deny BN its two-thirds majority in Parliament then,” said the Universiti Malaya Socio-culture Department lecturer.

De facto Pakatan Rakyat leader Anwar Ibrahim was the central figure in the straight fights, Awang Azman said.

“Anwar successfully negotiated with the opposition parties to prevent multi-cornered fights.”

BN won 140 seats, eight short it needed for a two-thirds majority. 

It was a stunning reversal for BN, which in 2004 won a sweeping 90% of the parliamentary seats, an unprecedented 198 seats, as well as control of 12 state governments, excluding PAS-controlled Kelantan. 

“It was a first time since 1969 that BN didn’t get two-thirds control of Parliament, making it very difficult for them to amend the constitution.”

It was also the first time that the opposition controlled five states – Penang, Selangor, Kedah, Perak and Kelantan. Perak eventually returned to BN when three PR assemblymen became independents.

“It was a big leap from previously, when only Kelantan was controlled by the opposition,” said Awang Azman.

Issues at the forefront were the slowing economy, rising living costs as well as perceived corruption. Benefits were perceived to be relegated to the elite. Chinese voters also were disgruntled that policies, inherited from the New Economic Policy, favoured Bumiputeras. 

Stars were aligned

Other events leading to March 8 were believed to have also set the tone for the outcome of the polls.

The Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) rally in the capital near Kuala Lumpur in 2007 brought to light the Indian community’s anger towards BN.

Police action in dispersing the crowd with water cannon and tear gas and the detention of its leaders left the community seething.

Fuel price hikes, once at 30 sen per litre in February 2006, also remained in the minds of voters up until election day.  

“The worries then are quite similar to today. Contention about the goods and services tax (GST) introduced in 2015, rising living costs, lack of jobs and corruption issues still remain hot topics,” he said.

“If they’re not resolved, I’m certain of a repeat of the 2008 elections. In fact, it might even be worse.”

Many BN political icons were defeated, such as former MIC president S. Samy Vellu and former Gerakan president Koh Tsu Koon, in March 2008.

“That election changed the political landscape of this country. BN is no longer immune to defeats, which can happen again and this time due to bigger issues.”

In GE12, even though de facto leader of the now-defunct PR coalition Anwar was barred from contesting, his party – PKR – won 31 seats, a massive increase from the one seat won by his wife, Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail in Permatang Pauh, Penang, in the elections before that.

DAP took 28 seats while PAS won 23 seats. 

The elections also began a trend of urban constituencies serving as a default support base for the opposition, in particular DAP. 

“The Chinese, in both East and West Malaysia, voted for DAP. The Chinese stuck with DAP in 2013 and will likely do so in 2018,” said James Chin, director of the Asia Institute Tasmania at University of Tasmania, Australia. 

“When BN lost its two-thirds control, it showed to the population of Malaysia that it is actually viable to beat them,” he said. 

Umno was also later “forced to reply” to some of Sabah and Sarawak’s state demands to stay in power. The Bornean states account for 20% of parliamentary seats and served as a “fixed deposit” for BN votes. 

“East Malaysia is asserting their political power for a better deal, since they’re holding up Umno,” said Chin. 

The 2008 election emboldened a new generation of opposition lawmakers who no longer believed in an invincible BN, he said.

Social media, even in its relative infancy back in 2008, also played a role in spreading news, circumventing the government-controlled mainstream media. 

“The opposition parties managed to attract new talent, since many young people think it is possible to defeat BN. Media control is no longer an issue, as they have access to the internet, at least in urban areas.”

Chin said one of the biggest changes from the 2008 elections is the switch of former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad from Umno leader to Pakatan Harapan chairman, and later the opposition’s PM candidate.

GE14 must be held latest by August 23, 60 days after the automatic dissolution of Parliament on June 24.

An Umno source has been quoted as saying that elections would be held by the third week of April. 

A total of 222 parliamentary seats and 505 state seats, excluding those of Sarawak’s, will be contested. – March 8, 2018.